If you're having trouble viewing this email, you may see it online.The Adverts the Mugabe regime did not want the people of Zimbabwe to see.
Since the regime has denied the MDC access to state media, please send the adverts to as many people as you can, the people of Zimbabwe would greatly appreciate.
Please click here to view a windows media file of the advert.
A new Zimbabwe is near, the dictator is finished: Lets finish it!
Movement for Democratic Change Head Office
Harvest House 4 Nelson Mandela Avenue Harare, Zimbabwe.


Please click on picture to get to letter!


Who do you believe wanted to assassinate the Tsvangirais?
Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF! Other forces..... you can give comment! No-one.... just pure accident!   




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On Xmas morning (two days ago), I phoned my wife in Chinhoyi, Zimbabwe just to say Merry Xmas. I was phoning from a Public Telephone somewhere in Gauteng, RSA.

She then told me unknown persons had broken down the front door and threw a petrol bomb at about 1 am the previous night.

Everybody who was in the house managed to escape through the kitchen door but the furniture ie sofas, the TV, DVd player etc were all burnt to ahes.

They called the Police and all the Police asked was, "Is there anyone who does Opposition Politics here?" When told "Yes" they said "That could be why" and left!

I ask whoever reads this message to phone my wife or send her an sms of encouragement on her cell: 00263913290109 ( ie 0913290109 Zim) or 00263912598773 (ie 0912598773) or landline 002636729842 (067-29842 in Zim)

That was their welcome to Xmas. I sincerely thank the leadership of the MDC and all friends who arrived to give her comfort etc. during that difficult, traumatic time.

I'm hastily aranging for their relocation to be here in RSA with me!

M S Hove...Rev.

Cell: 0791463039 RSA.



If you go back into the past year, what do you see? What have you done? What was your contribution for the Zim situation?

If this week was your last in this world and you left us...what legacy are you leaving behind?

What legacy is Robert Mugabe leaving behind? Morgan Tsvangirai? Arthur Mutambara?

Lets come closer to members in these mailing lists.........

Baba Molokele what legacy are you leaving behind?

Baba Zunga? What's your legacy? 100% per cent commitment to the Zim cause?

Rev Hove..... what's your legacy? Yes...... what would I leave behind for you remember me with?

While thinking about how to answer that question..... lets go now to the next one........


I've my resolutions and many are related to the Zim Crisis!

What are Robert Mugabe's plans for 2009? To kill more MDC members? To add more to the list of disappearances... Rashiwe Guzha....... Ghandi Mudzingwa...... Jestina Mukoko etc etc.

What are Morgan Tsvangirai's plans? We are sure we know them.... but how do we individually and collectively assist him? Assisting Tsvangirai may mean starting a new radical Organization to complete the process!

I do not wish you a Merry Xmas....... NO!

I wish to hear what plans you have to add value to the struggle for a New Democratic Zimbabwe!


Rev Mufaro Stig Hove.

Cell: 0791463039 RSA!





The death of Elliot Manyika, MP Bindura, Political Commissar (ZANU PF), brings mixed feelings in the political landscape of Zimbabwe. Killed by a road accident seven years after the death of Border Gezi, MP Bindura, Political Commissar (ZANU PF), also by road accident on the same Masvingo Road, cannot be coincidence.

What is of coincidence is that I am the only person who contested against both these evil men who died trying to revive an evil political party, ZANU (PF), led by an evil president Robert Mugabe. Is this the end of ZANU (PF)? Is there more infighting internally than what meets the eye? Has God finally answered our prayers? Who is going to be the next ZANU (PF) Political Commissar?

Killings and murders are not new in ZANU (PF), a party founded on revolutionary struggle concepts but which failed to embrace change after independence in a fast changing global political sphere. Today we can safely conclude that ZANU (PF), the monster, is on a monstrous irreversible road to doom, as it enters a new phase in a “struggle within struggles”.

Elliot Manyika should have known that if you live by evil you should be prepared to die by evil, while he was playing both satan and god’s role and failing to understand that above all there is GOD. He died doing the job he liked most; murdering people, and God saw it fit to reclaim His glory be recalling him to answer for his misdeeds.

Imagine what would have become of Zimbabwe if Elliot Manyika successfully rejuvenated ZANU (PF) after the December Bindura Congress? Zimbabweans have suffered enough at the hands of ZANU (PF). Unfortunately Robert Mugabe, the despot continues to live, even beyond human expectation. At 84 he seems to defy death. No doubt our prayers will continue to be answered.

While I was contesting against these brutal citizens of Zimbabwe, Border Gezi and Elliot Manyika, for political office both men condemned me to death merely for exercising my democratic right to a better Zimbabwe. I still believe that the same dream is closer now than when both men were still alive.

This is a rare occasion were human beings can be more useful dead than alive. Border Gezi was the architect of the Youth Militia and the setting up of torture camps; Elliot Manyika rolled out the programme to others provinces where people were tortured and killed and women were raped.

Today those tactics remain the pillar of ZANU (PF)’s political strategy, and Zimbabwe stands shamed internationally by the abduction of Jestina Mukono, who every Zimbabwean who had access to a television knew as the face of news. Her organisation was documenting the violence and the perpetrators of what has been described as an orgy of violence by Zanu (PF).

From the cold blooded murder of my brother Matthew at the hands of both Border Gezi and Elliot Manyika, to the murder of Trymore Midzi, one of my campaign managers by Elliot Manyika, between the political commissars Mashonaland Central was traumatised by the highest number of unexplained disappearances, murders and maimings of innocent civilians.

In July 2001 Elliot Manyika, personally plotted to assassinate me and Morgan Tsvangirai at Chiveso village in Bindura during a by-election. The military style ambush was meant to exert maximum casualty to MDC leadership since Manyika new that almost all the top leadership of MDC was in the convoy.

Had Manyika succeeded, he could have successfully disseminated MDC and we could be talking of different party at the moment. Many people were injured, and, although there were no confirmed death on the spot, many died from their injuries in hospital as a result of that incident.

I have included here a few citations from previous articles to show how Manyika played both the judge and the executioner:

Trymore Midzi, an MDC youth leader in Bindura, about 60km (38 miles) north of the capital, Harare, died after being beaten and slashed through the head with a machete.

Elliot Pfebve, the MDC spokesman, said Mr Midzi's assailants were 20 supporters of the ruling Zanu-PF. Mr Pfebve said the victim was taken to hospital after the assault on Friday, then transferred to Harare and given 70 stitches to the head, before dying there on Monday” (The Independent December 27, 2001)

“… the remains of Moffat Soka Chiwaura, an MDC supporter abducted in Bindura in December, were found in January. (ZHR NGO Forum February 2002).

“Elliot Manyika, an old-guard former diplomat, is contesting the seat for Zanu-PF against the opposition's Elliot Pfebve, a young computer engineer, in what is dubbed "The Battle of the Elliots".

Mr Manyika's supporters were out in force last weekend when they ambushed Mr Tsvangirai as he travelled in a 15-car cavalcade to a rally on the outskirts of Bindura.

Although Mr Tsvangirai emerged unhurt, five of his supporters were injured and 10 vehicles were damaged, including one reduced to ashes after Zanu-PF supporters set it ablaze”(Telegraph July 29, 2001).

“Zanu PF youths operating from seven bases in the Bindura constituency are allegedly raping young girls and women, while assaulting suspected supporters of the MDC as the campaign for the parliamentary by-election hots up.

Zanu PF's Elliot Manyika is pitted against MDC's Elliot Pfebve. The seat fell vacant following the death of Border Gezi in a car accident in April. The by-election is set for 28 and 29 July” (Zimnews July 10, 2001)

While my response to the death of Elliot Manyika (the other Elliot) might dismay others who were benefiting from his brutality and hold to power, let me remind them that Zimbabweans in particular will not mourn a brutal leader who has been the composer and singer of our deep routed poverty. Manyika, you failed to respect human life, when you were still alive, you tried to kill me, you murdered my brother and now you are dead, it’s a price worth paying is it not it?

After all it was the battle of the two Elliot that never was!

Elliot Pfebve, the survivor

PLEASE ALSO CHECK 1.Crisis In Zimbabwe Video Complied By Zimbabwe's Solidarity Peace Trust AND 2.The Unleashing of Violence:
A report on violence in Zimbabwe
as at May 15, 2000

"Property Rights An Avenue To Agricultural Development" by Hillary Kundishora!

Entrepreneurship, much of it attached to agriculture, will be critical to ensure economic growth, poverty reduction, and sustainable natural resource management in the world's least developed countries, especially in Africa. Access to improved agricultural technology, infrastructure, and output as well as factor markets will increase the returns and therefore encourage such investment. Assuring investors that they will be able to reap the returns from investing through secure property rights will be fundamental to increase land-related investment.

According to Di-Masi (2008) in his paper Defining Entrepreneurship, The earliest definition of entrepreneurship, dating from the eighteenth century, used it as an economic term describing the process of bearing the risk of buying at certain prices and selling at uncertain prices. Other, later commentators broadened the definition to include the concept of bringing together the factors of production. This definition led others to question whether there was any unique entrepreneurial function or whether it was simply a form of management. Later, writers including Schumpeter (1934) and later Drucker (1985) added the concept of 'creative destruction' or innovation to the definition of entrepreneurship. This innovation could be process innovation, market innovation, product innovation, factor innovation, and even organisational innovation. Vosloo (1994) later described entrepreneurship as involving the creation of new enterprises, exploring the environment, identifying opportunities for improvement, mobilising resources, implementing action and that the entrepreneur is the founder.

Entrepreneurship best flourishes in an environment that provides a favourable free enterprise atmosphere. One important characteristic of successful economies in Europe, America and South-East Asia is a free enterprise society underpinned by private property rights (Lau. J and Klan. L, 1990). Libercap (2008) states that Property rights include a variety of rights, including the right to exclude none-owners from access, the right to appropriate and use, and the right to sell or otherwise transfer the resources to others. Libercap further posits that property rights affect economic behaviour and performance in two ways, firstly by assigning ownership to valuable assets and designating who bears the rewards and costs of resources-use decision. Secondly, property rights structure incentives economic behaviour in society by allocating decision making authority. Libercap's proposition suggests that entrepreneurship is related to property rights.

In 1999 Zimbabwe experienced farm invasions by land hungry citizens, whose historical causes date back from the pre- independence era. This was later followed by the fast track land reform programme, which sought to fast track and formalise the settlement of the land hungry citizens. Prior the commercial agricultural sector was dominated by white commercial farmers whose majority had claim to the land through title deeds registered with the registrar of deeds. The dominant property rights system in commercial agriculture then included a variety of rights, including the right to use, rights to benefit rent, the right to exclude non-owners and the right to sell or transfer the property to a third party.

The land reform programme on the other hand guaranteed the beneficiaries the rights to use, a right to exclude none-owners and no right to sell or transfer the land to third parties and no right to benefit rent from the property. The rights were claimed through an offer letter or 99 year lease signed by the Minister responsible for Lands and land reform. The paradigm shift was that the Minister responsible for lands and land reform had the final right to benefit rent, transfer or sell the land. This shift meant the new farmers enjoyed lesser rights than their predecessors.

In a modern market economy, the monetary value of land emanates from its ability to sell or transfer it to a third party. The absence of the right to sell undermines the value of the land because the market is unable to allocate a monetary value to it. This explains why the offer letter is not acceptable as collateral security to providers of investment capital such as commercial banks and developmental institutions. Commercial agriculture is in no ways unique from other productive economic sectors the presents and absence of private property rights influences the farmer's entrepreneurship.

Property rights influences the economic behaviour of entrepreneurs because of its direct link to risk associated with the Minister withdrawing the offer letter or 1999 year lease for other reason as he or she might deem appropriate in the face of national interest. The risk is further worsened by a recent constitutional provision empowering the Minister to proceed without the owner of the designated land challenging the take over of the land in the courts of law;

…..3) The provisions of any law referred to in section 16(1) regulating the compulsory acquisition of land that is in force on the appointed day, and the provisions of section 18(1) and (9), shall not apply in relation to land referred to in subsection (2)(a) except for the purpose of determining any question related to the payment of compensation referred to in subsection (2)(b), that is to say, a person having any right or interest in the land—
(a) Shall not apply to a court to challenge the acquisition of the land by the State, and no court shall entertain any such challenge…

Constitutional of Zimbabwe Amendment (No 17) Act (2007)

…..3) The provisions of any law referred to in section 16(1) regulating the compulsory acquisition of land that is in force on the appointed day, and the provisions of section 18(1) and (9), shall not apply in relation to land referred to in subsection (2)(a) except for the purpose of determining any question related to the payment of compensation referred to in subsection (2)(b), that is to say, a person having any right or interest in the land—
(b) Shall not apply to a court to challenge the acquisition of the land by the State, and no court shall entertain any such challenge…

The enormous power wielded by government bureaucrats through the land allocations committees and the Minister increases uncertainty and risk in commercial agriculture. In particular any change of guard or a major shift in land ownership policy changes from the present government which masterminded the land reform. The matter at stake if Africa is to realise its 'dream' is to cultivate a land based economic model of moving away from excessive state based interventions to democratise the economic space. Zimbabwe is a compelling case on the fundamental importance of property rights.

Hillary Kundishora. He is a scholar in Strategic management.


By Garikai Chimuka

If recent media reports carried out by leading international press to the effect that South African president, Thabo Mbeki was arguing that a government of national unity to be born under his mediation is the panacea to the Zimbabwean crisis are true, then Mr. Mbeki is clearly misleading the world. What makes the whole issue laughable is his argument that tough global targeted sanctions on the regime that is murdering its on people will lead to civil war in Zimbabwe. Moreover, his assurance that Mugabe is on his way to retirement soon is at best a serious expression of his failure to appreciate the dynamics of the Zimbabwean crisis or at worst a frivolous attempt to defend his friend Mugabe against the people of Zimbabwe. It is in this context that Mr Mbeki must now publicly tell the whole world that his mediation efforts has failed and thus let the African Union and SADC appoint other serious and impartial mediators who can extricate Zimbabwe from the Mugabe –Mbeki made crisis

Mbeki is widely reported to have warned the G8 leaders that any global targeted sanctions against the regime will lead to a civil war in Zimbabwe. This is clearly misplaced.Mr Mbeki must understand that civil war can only break out if there are two or more protagonists who are armed. The truth of the Zimbabwean issue today is that we have a ruling party that has armed and unleashed the army, state security agencies, the militia and so called war veterans against the unarmed people of Zimbabwe whose only crime was to vote for the opposition MDC.It is instructive that even Mbeki clearly knows that the MDC does not have any arms and neither has it any army. Thus what surprises everyone is how Mbeki can predict civil war. He should clearly explain that the illegitimate junta will intensify the genocide that is currently underway in Zimbabwe out of frustration because they stole the people‘s vote but have no capacity to solve the economic problems which are a result of policy kwashiorkor of the Mugabe regime. Such a scenario can never be called civil war. The MDC is clearly committed to a peaceful democratic transition which Mugabe and Mbeki are denying. Mbeki is actually complicit in the genocide that is taking place in Zimbabwe through shielding the regime and even arming them when he knows that biologically and politically, Mugabe and ZANU PF ‘s time is up

As the leader of the biggest economy in SADC and indeed in Africa, Mbeki is showing his clear poor grasp of regional, continental and global geopolitics. One does not need to be a rocket scientist to understand that the current configuration of politics in SADC, AU and the world makes it impossible for the people of Zimbabwe to militarily confront Mugabe and his junta even if they wished because no one will supply them with the bases and weapons. Therefore talking of civil war by Mr Mbeki is clearly reckless and exposes the extraordinary paralysis of analysis on the part of Mr Mbeki who throughout his 10 years at the helm of South Africa had been trying to project himself as a leading African statesman

His other assertion meant to assuage the G8 was that Mugabe will be retiring in the coming few years. Mbeki does not know Mugabe and his insatiable appetite for power. For indeed Mugabe has delusions that the title deeds to Zimbabwe are in his pocket. Was Mr Mbeki not listening when Mugabe declared that he was anointed by God and only God will remove him? Even someone who at 84 years does not feel any remorse or shame sponsoring goons to main , kill , torture and rape long suffering and unarmed villagers. Mbeki, your friend Robert Mugabe will not retire in his lifetime in the same way you wanted to remain the de-facto South African president had you not been defeated by the courageous ANC comrades led by Zuma at Polokwane..

When history or infact, God eventually deals with the dictator and his junta north of the Limpopo, Mr Mbeki you are sure to go down in history as an accomplice in the horrific suffering the innocent people of Zimbabwe are going through at your watch. It is therefore not too late for you to make a deep self introspection and quit immediately as the mediator to the Zimbabwean crisis and declare publicly your support for the Zimbabwean junta rather than blocking those with well meaning efforts to liberate the suffering masses from the illegitimate dictatorship under your nourishment. For history and indeed the unborn Zimbabwean and African generations will never forgive you for commission and omission at the people’s greatest hour of need

Garikai Agenda Chimuka writes from the Netherlands

What are the African Interests in Zimbabwe???

By Hillary Kundishora ( Also at
# # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # #

The opposition MDC supporter was assaulted on the buttocks by Zanu PF youths and a herbicide-paraquat/gramoxone poured on the wound to inflict more pain. Paraquat is a fast action corrosive herbicide.

Africa's search for the betterment of its citizen has been elusive and a journey marred by disastrous setbacks. A few African countries show little prospects of a consistent path of advancing African interests with the greater number experiencing unending wars, diseases, hunger, poverty and marauding dictators.

This calls upon all citizens of Africa to engage in a serious conversation of their future. If at all Africa is to achieve an excellent quality of life for its citizen comparable to the magnitude of the quality of life currently being experienced in developed nations.

At the core of any nation is a socio-economic and political unity from which all citizens derive a shared meaning and value. The unity is derived from the amalgamation of individual and private interests to form national interests and consequently this adds up to continental interests-African interests.

In normal and mature democracies individuals advance their individual cause without having adverse effects on the interests of others. These private interests are self-directing and self-motivating they need not to wait for governments or any superior authority. The concepts of interests are the simpler underpinnings of nation states and the birth of sovereignty.

The opposition MDC has announced its decision to boycott the pending presidential runoff election. These and other events in Zimbabwe present a serious litmus test to what really constitute African interests? The MDC reveals that the election atmosphere that followed the disputed first ballot is not consistent and conducive for a free and fair election.

The atmosphere is characterized by abductions, arrests of opposition supporters and leaders, rape, torture, arson, denial of food aid, election rigging, double standards by the SADC appointed mediator- President Mbeki and the recent threats to President Morgan Tsvangirai's life.

There is need for us to question the values that inform the African Union and the prospects of the United States of Africa that Libya 's Gaddafi advocates for? What then is the role of the African Union in Zimbabwe?

Only a few African leaders have at least managed to issue statements condemning the situation obtaining in Zimbabwe. The rest of the African leaders have remained silent and the worst coming from the self-proclaimed founding father of the united states of Africa, colonel Gadaffi who uttered 'leaders like Mugabe should be left to die in Office'. A defiant Mugabe resonated those views last week by arguing that only God can remove him from office.

What values and interests do Gadaffi and other silent leaders of Africa represent? This is clear tacit approval of the events in Zimbabwe. A closer look will unearth that Gaddaffi, Mugabe and many other African leaders have a lot in common that they share. They all do not value the will of their people and democratic fundamentals often oscillating and hiding behind the former Organization of African Union's (OAU) plea of sovereignty and non-interference.

A unique familiar quality is to blame the West for all the bad past of Africa. What about the future? Yet the independence of Africa brought to us self-determination representing a restoration of our birth right to self direct our nations towards African interests.

The MDC has vigorously campaigned to bring Zimbabwe on the spotlight only to get concern from non-African countries. African countries like South Africa through the SADC appointed mediator Mbeki have sought to sweep the violence under the carpet often opting to plot the de-skilling of the MDC through persuading and pressuring for a government of national unity (GNU).

What government of national unity when the ruling Zanu PF is plotting violence against the MDC leaders and its supporters? Why a government of national unity when the MDC agenda is opposite to that of Zanu PF?

The proponents of the GNU are informed by the need to recycle Zanu PF, which has been rejected by the people because of its disastrous policies of farm seizures and impending company seizures in the name of blind and self-serving indigenization and empowerment.

It is clear that the people of Zimbabwe by voting against Zanu PF in the first round have rejected that brand of racist and selfish indigenization and empowerment. And no one has the moral authority and is qualified to subvert the will of people by smuggling Zanu PF back in a GNU setup with the MDC.

The MDC, one of Africa's modern and strongest opposition parties has been labeled a western stooge. African leaders have all along been rejecting audience to the MDC based on this false assumption that together with Britain it is intent on re-colonizing Zimbabwe. Then why form a GNU with a stooge?

African Union has a crucial role to play in curbing the excesses of Mugabe. It is clear that Zimbabweans have made their choice and it is up to African leaders to author an international precedent against the defunct principle of sovereignty and non-interference.

If Africa does not act on Mugabe immediately then it has itself to blame for abetting the delvish violence in Zimbabwe. African leaders need to rise from mere rhetoric against Mugabe's deeds to more covert action. As the battle for control of Zimbabwe by Zimbabweans intensifies only those who stand up in solidarity to their African brothers in Zimbabwe will be able to broadly define and construct what really are African interests.

It is un-avoidable that Morgan Richard Tsvangirai represents a post-colonial icon and hero of African hopes. His principles are typical of African interests that can salvage Africa.

We urgently require a return to the values embedded in our traditional values by categorically making a stand that 'an injury to Zimbabwe is an injury to Africa' only then can we start to realize the African dream of a peaceful and prosperous United States of Africa.

By Hillary Kundishora

Gender And Agricultural Development In Africa

Gender refers to the different relationships between men and women in society. According to the Ministry of agriculture in Zimbabwe 80% of communal farmers in Zimbabwe are women and 10% of the extension staff are women. On a global scale women constitute the majority and are most engaged in agriculture.


If interventions in agriculture are to engineer a green revolution in Africa and turn Africa from a brand marred by hunger, disease and malnutrition to a continent of plenty and a breadbasket of the world. It is urgent that we revisit gender issues in the agricultural development of Africa with the view of stimulating sustainable agricultural development.


Agricultural development implies an increased productivity on a sustainable and equitable basis. At the core of agricultural development is strategic change through adoption of new knowledge and skills, and the intensification of science and technology in agriculture. Gender provides a missing link to sustainable agricultural development considering the triple role of women.


Women since the biblical times of Jesus Christ's mother Mary have acquired a strategic role in society. The history of women is as long as the history of mankind and civilisation. Powell G.N in Women and Men in management argues that women have a triple role derived from socialization-a productive role, a community management role and a reproductive role.


It is inescapable to point that the roles of women are derived from socialisation and a part of culture. Implying that the roles of women are dynamic and extension needs to match this dynamism.


The productive role of women is of paramount importance. The reasons why most state interventions in agriculture fail are that gender is not given prominence it deserves. This point on all institutions engaged in agricultural development starting from the family level to mainstream gender in productive activities. Agricultural extension is a socializing agent that works towards fostering harmonious roles and behaviour in agricultural production.


An X-ray view of gender issues in agriculture will reveal constraints ranging from-lack of relevant client based and customized agricultural extension aimed at serving the needs of women in agriculture, a skewed resource ownership tilted against women, patriarchal views discouraging women from leadership roles in society, limited land rights to women in Africa, low productivity, lack of technical know-how and reduced democracy at family level which undermines and suppresses women.


The constraints said above point that Governments, Private sector and NGO's to stimulate African development and counter the ever increasing security threat from food riots induced by low food outputs need a rethinking of agricultural extension, if agricultural extension it is to act as a social re-engineering tool.


The tripartite development alliance (Government, Private sector and NGO's) to be an engine of African hopes in agriculture and gender urgently needs to;


1.      Encourage a cultural shift in the way we view women in agriculture in order to elevate and train women for decision making.

2.      Encourage partnering and collaboration between women in the value chain with a view of advancing a womanly cause.

3.      Carry out a massive leadership and capacity building programmes aimed at mainstreaming gender in society.

4.      Encourage a multi-sectoral response to gender issues and create standardized measures of compliance to gender issues. The standard will act as a qualification for doing business with stakeholders and accessing incentives.

5.      Create legislations aimed at elevating and assisting the historically disdvantaged women and girl child of Africa. Including ratifying international conventions and protocols on gender.

6.      Introduce a vibrant youth programme which encourages 'the girl child' to acquire skills; both practical and academic with a view of nurturing better mothers of tomorrow.

7.      Encourage new innovations, and intensification of science and technologies that reduce burden to women during production.

8.      Encourage and nurture entrepreneurship among women and re-engineer agriculture as a business than a subsistence activity.

9.      Revitalize extension services to be customized to serve the client based needs of women with emphasis on issues affecting agriculture such as HIV and AIDS.

10.  Resource provision to women and increasing land ownership without bias to sex.


Aid and charity have failed to develop Africa. Africa has hopes to salvage itself but the onus is upon this generation to be able to formulate strategies aimed at growing the economies of Africa.


Gender and agriculture represents an entry point to break the vicious cycle of poverty; these are serious interventions that will have a lasting developmental role to African hopes. Ahead of Africa lie both danger and an opportunity in the current global food crisis. Gender mainstreaming in agriculture will advance opportunities for exporting food to capitalize on the unmet needs arising out of the global food crisis.


By Hillary Kundishora

He can be contacted on And Join more debate at

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The Zimbabwean Economy A Mere Laboratory Of Economic Experiments-Exchange Rate Reforms And Inflation.

Robert Mugabe the liberator turned benevolent dictator no longer has any moral license and cause to continue to steer the Zimbabwean ship in the stormy and mucky waters of globalisation.


It is clear that the national challenges we are facing require that we assemble an 'A-Team'. A team whose construct views the world from a perspective different from that required in prosecuting liberation wars because the challenges facing the nation and the environments are now diametrically the opposite to those that were obtaining during the liberation struggle. Zimbabwe urgently requires a leadership blend of seasoned politicians, diplomats and technocrats.


At 84 years old Robert Mugabe no longer has anything new to offer after leading the government for the past 28 years. From the Malaysian economic survival plan whose underpinnings was based on a fixed exchange rate to the current orthodox and free-floating exchange rate reforms, Zimbabwe has become a mere laboratory for economic policy experiments.


The latest free-floating exchange rate policy was necodemously stolen through 'cutting and pasting' from solutions proffered by both business and the opposition MDC. The policy was conceived and implemented in a vacuum yet its capability of steering and revitalising Zimbabwe lay in it operating within a package of supporting measures.


The free-floating exchange rate and inflation is another typical failure of the Junta; it has worsened massive suffering, with prices skyrocketing daily as business chase the prevailing exchange rate. The crisis has destroyed the social fabric, with hospitals operating without key drugs let alone the critical staff needed, and teachers have engaged on a permanent go slow in protest that their salaries be linked to the exchange rate.


This is the final nail to the Junta; it can no longer survive beyond the presidential June 27 runoff.


The correct prescription and measures would have been to implement a free-floating exchange rate and then support it through availing foreign currency to key institutions whose products/services are consumed by the most vulnerable in society.


The underlying idea is to stimulate the inflow of hard currency from foreign direct investments in particular from sovereignty wealth funds, aid and grants, remittances from abroad, and help to stabilize the value of the dollar against major currencies. This will tame inflation factors driven by foreign exchange shortages.


At the core of this policy reform is productivity and a production drive from industry, mining, tourism and the agricultural sector. This supply side approach will help the nation to trim its import bill (since imports will be more expensive) and deflate the black/parallel market, which is partly responsible for speculative activities running riot in the economy.


The current thrust of the policy only benefits fat businesses through enhancing international competitiveness. The overlooked fact was that there could be no policy success without a balanced trade off between the needs and wants of the broader society.


Workers in particular the lowly paid civil servants and other vulnerable members of society have emerged injured in the battle for economic recovery masterminded by the unpopular Junta. Yet basic facts are that social cohesion should be at the core of any successful national strategy or policy.


The rate of the dollar against major currencies has continued to slide further even if there are no inflows of funds into the interbank system. This point to the fact that our demand for funds is high against our supply for the funds further highlighting that rationalising the supply side of the economy is critical for any exchange rate reform success.


Inflation and the exchange rate have emerged as major drivers of inflation with Zimbabwean businesses resort to opening trading after 9am and closing trade at 3pm after factoring in the current exchange rate. This has left the economy experiencing high menu costs, with prices incrementally changing hourly and daily.


The lessons from these failed exchange rate reforms point to the fact that Zimbabwe needs a new government which is capable of negotiating a recovery package from any possible willing foreign sources. It has been proved beyond doubt that Zimbabwe lacks the strategic capacity to recover without international support.


The current governing Junta lacks the international goodwill; astitute politicians, seasoned diplomats and technocrats that can propel further our national cause.


Our rare circumstances both past and present, call on all responsible citizens to vote wisely in the coming presidential run-off. It is my considered view that no single individual can pull this country out of the mucky it is in.  Only a collective leadership of our most brilliant and moral politicians, diplomats and technocrats can salvage this country.


One only needs to analyse the current events both in and outside of Zimbabwe to be able to see that Morgan Richard Tsvangirai indeed is a viable incumbent who has the capacity to assemble a leadership team that can salvage us. Come 27 June 2008, my vote goes to the young and brilliant Morgan Richard Tsvangirai who I'm confident has the capacity to assemble a team that advances our national cause.


By Hillary Kundishora. He can be contacted on and join more discourse on other various articles about vision prosperity at



Transforming Fallow Lands into fields of plenty through Property rights- A case of Zimbabwe


There have been food riots in Haiti, the Philippines, Ethiopia, Indonesia and several other African nations. This has caused a lot of pressure and panic to an already injured Africa burdened by wars, diseases and extreme poverty.


The current global food shortages should enable third world economic planners to revisit land ownership models currently at work with the view of informing economic strategy and planning rather than waste time and effort by focusing debate on Euro-centric notions that obbese Americans should diet themselves to reduce food consumption and save more for Africa. The present scenario represents both danger and an opportunity for Africa.


Africa cannot afford to endure food shortages given its geographic endowment underpinned by fertile lands and a climate suitable for crop production. Food security is critical because of its link to poverty, health and sustainable development.


The colonial system despite practicing a dual agrarian system informed by a racial apartheid successfully managed to create wealth and a capitalist system which benefited its subjects. The miracle of this dictatorship was based on a viable land tenure system which was based on the exclusive enjoyment of property rights by the minority minus the black majority. This helped to power the dictatorship by building a vibrant productive and financial structure as a pillar of the colonial system.


At the core of the property rights doctrine practiced by the colonial system was a serious and committed discrimination against the black majority, a system of direct ownership of land based on title deeds, a court process that recognized and resolved land based disputes and the ability for the land to be tradable as a market commodity. This allowed the colonial system population to look beyond subsistence agriculture and be more commercially oriented in production. This conferred upon the farming sector the ability to engage in more environmentally sound production whilst the farmers were to a larger extent able to source local and offshore funding.


Farmers were assured of a going concern a critical success factor for any successful venture. It allowed investors to operate and develop their farming enterprises without fear of the state intervening by reallocating or repossessing their land holdings.


Land reform provides Zimbabwe with an opportunity to counter the food shortages and benefit from the spin-offs of high global food prices given that we are currently a net importer of food. It is only in Zimbabwe were vast lands are allotted a net value of zero. We need a paradigm shift and look beyond the communal system of land ownerships and embrace a system of title deeds as a final nail to the constraining land tenure system.


This will allow more agri-business players worried about risk management to take part in agricultural development since it has been proved beyond doubt that government lacks the strategic capacity to carryout a successful land reform programme. This will create an agro-based industrialization drive by linking the food industry and the farmers into a competitive value chain.


Because of policy bankruptcy the Zimbabwean authorities have been reluctant and slow in recognizing that the colonial state was powered by strict observance of property rights, this consequently makes the constitutional amendment number 18 irrelevant -which prohibits courts from hearing challenges on land related matters. The current 99 years lease is not only historically misplaced but a mockery to historically disadvantaged Zimbabwean farmers.


The horizon of ownership is limited to just over three generations yet we have classic examples of powerful and successful multinational corporations like Barclays bank whose life spanned centuries. For us to realize the African dream of owning our destiny and creating wealth for our people we need to look beyond three generations and create value for our selves by returning land back to its prime status of a tradable and transferable market commodity.


By Hillary Kundishora

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Xenophobia And The Proudly South African Brand.

by Hillary Kundishora



P. Drucker the father of modern management in the text Managing results coined the term 'Cost addition' in place of value addition because he thought in a business value is not added to a product but that cost is only added, while the beneficiary of the product creates value-the customer.


Consequently we can derive a theory about national brands from the words by Drucker. Concerted efforts by citizens, governments and the private sector to define, construct and position their national brand is not value addition but cost addition or effort addition. The ultimate value and positioning of the national brand occurs on the customer (In this case a foreigner) hence the definition of a national brand is asserted as 'how others see the country'.


Foreigners measuring the performance of a particular national brand and comparing it to a set of expectations derive brand value and/or brand Loyalty for a specified nation. This will then help foreigners to pass more generalised comments such as such a country is full of philanthropy, such a country is hospitable, such a country is inhabitable and so on.


Almost three and a half generations since the independence of the first African nation, Ghana. It is now certain that Africa belongs to Africans and no one will author our destiny. Africans after travelling the path from colonialism to the post colonial era should ask themselves what kind of African society do we need? What values should inform our society? What democratic order should define the African brand? Is our society sustainable in a competitive world?


Democracy is not alien to the African context. At the core of a democratic order is respect for choice and freedom. Klaus Nurnberger in the book-A democratic vision for South Africa argues that for democracy to thrive there is need for respect for equal human dignity and society need not to prescribe special privileges to some people that are not accessible to others.

Anyone who is constructive will argue that the recent spate of xenophobic horror and bloody violence endured in South Africa is a cause of concern to all those who love Africa and are concerned about transforming the African dream into reality. The independence and self determination of South Africa was only celebrated less than a decade ago as the birth of a rainbow nation led by the icon Madiba Nelson Mandela, not only did people not notice that mammoth challenges lie ahead of the rainbow nation.


We need interrogate ourselves whether it is still the same South Africa we all loved and celebrated for? And to carry out a serious post-mortem of these events given that it is in the next coming two years only will South Africa make history by hosting the first soccer world cup on African lands; an event which will attract more than a million international visitors of all origins. How will they treat the foreigners given such precedence on treating fellow African brothers coming just across their borders?


This xenophobic horror is a symptom of lack of a clear and well-communicated migration policy on the continent for African nations to be able to internally utilize and exploit African labour for the benefit of Africa. It is incumbent upon African leaders to carry out a post-mortem of theses events in order to get to the root cause of such horror and inform the strategic policy making process.


The migration of Africans on the continent has never occurred within any strategic policy framework from the country of origin of the migrants and/or the receiving countries. Hence the presents of a vast number of Zimbabweans doing menial jobs in South Africa yet they are trained Doctors, Teachers, and Engineers just to name a few, who could have contributed to the South African economy by plugging the skills gap. This shows the policy bankruptcy of African leaders in failing to locate issues of strategic concern on the continent.


As a Zimbabwean I was deeply saddened to learn that my countrymen were among the worst hit by the xenophobic violence. The movement of Zimbabweans into South Africa has occurred in a serious policy vacuum notwithstanding the reality that the large-scale movement of Zimbabweans into South Africa has been only a symptom of a socio-economic and political melt down.  The movement has been characterised by denial from both the Zimbabwean authorities and South African authorities, with the later going as far as denying the emigrants voting rights.


The unfortunate Zimbabweans have been caught up in the no-mans land with nowhere to shelter the bullets. The South African authorities have resorted to en masse deportation of Zimbabwean nationals without a clear policy of detecting and handling issues case-by-case and/ or based on special circumstances. Hooligans and unruly South Africans who authored yesterday's bloody xenophobic horrors have extended this unfortunate state based doctrine of large-scale deportation of the skilled, professionals and unskilled Zimbabweans based in South Africa to proudly xenophobic.


In the name of African solidarity, the doctrine of sovereignty and the principle of non-interference the South African authorities have refused to offer a blanket refugee status to Zimbabweans fleeing the socio-economic and political melt down often opting to call it manageable crisis. This was done as a cover up to avoid Zimbabwe from facing the wrath of the international community under the flagship of the United Nations Security Council and/ or other hostile external forces waiting for an opportunity to strike the unpopular regime.


As a result of this blunt policy Zimbabweans have endured a harsh legacy never seen before and the historical coincidence of the xenophobic violence has been that it has coincided with the presidential run-off elections bloody violence campaign against Zimbabweans who voted for the opposition Movement for democratic change (MDC). This historical coincidence has left Zimbabweans severely injured without nothing-constructive coming from SADC and the international community.


The South African government need to re-look its foreign policy on Zimbabwe if the proudly South African brand is to get a decent position in the mind of global citizens. And indeed Drucker was right that only the customer creates value. South Africans only have themselves to blame if they let such a rainbow nation drown to the levels of failed nations such as Zimbabwe, Somalia or Sudan by shouting proudly xenophobic to the world. South Africa paradigm model of African hopes lets all save it.


By Hillary Kundishora. He can be contacted on and join more discourse on other various articles about vision prosperity at






By: Garikai Chimuka
The Zimbabwean people, against heavy odds, made a powerful and historic statement on the 29th March 2008.A record 57% of Zimbabweans, if we are to use the massaged ZEC figures, rejected Robert Mugabe and his failed policies. However, Mugabe and some securocrats could not stomach the people's victory. They have now embarked on  a  reign of terror by simply retracing their footsteps to the 1980 s and relaunching a campaign of violence whose brutality now makes it a Gukurahundi 2.It is important to note that the same players , using the same methods with the same reason of returning Mugabe at all costs are at the helm of the Gukuraundi 2.The only notable additions being Gideon Gono, who is providing dirty blood money and Patrick Chinamasa, acting as the Comical Ali.A lot of interesting parallels  with Gukurahundi 1 emerge from this reckless terror campaign
Just like Gukurahundi 1 in the 80s, an illegal personal militia, the 5th brigade, which was out of the formal command structure, was created to wipe out the Ndebele people. The all Shona elements of this murderous, notorious and rampaging gang were brainwashed with the aid of the North Koreans to believe that the Ndebele people were lesser human beings who could be murdered with impunity. In the ongoing Gukurahundi 2, a 5th brigade re-incarnation, under the auspices of the so-called JOC, has been activated. The marauding bands of arsonists, rapists and murderers are to a larger extend a combination of ZANU PF youth militia and the Central Intelligence Organisation.This is clearly a shadowy force which is answerable to JOC and Mugabe.Just like the 5th brigade in the 1980s, the illegal shadowy militia has been brainwashed at Border Gezi camps into believing that all MDC supporters are British sellouts who should be raped, maimed, tortured and killed.
During the Gukurahundi 1 ethnic cleansing, Mugabe carefully used Enos Nkala, a fellow Ndebele, to be at the forefront of the propaganda blitz of justifying the murderous actions of the 5th brigade. So overzealous was Nkala that at one time he was even quoted as saying that the 5th brigade must use a big stick against his own people  just to impress Mugabe.In the on going Gukurahundi 2, Mugabe has repeated the same tactic. The defeated Patrick Chinamasa, who has never won any election in his whole life, is the public face and voice of justifying Gukurahundi 2.So reckless has been Chinamasa that he has gone out of his way in sponsoring violence in his own home area of Makoni in Manicaland.Even the legendary Comical Ali will turn green with envy hearing Chinamasa trying to justify the cold murder of his own niece, Tabeth Marume by claiming that an unarmed woman would confront armed soldiers at a military training centre when our heroine had made the brave move of only demanding the release of MDC supporters who were being tortured by the bloodthirsty ZANU PF militia and the CIO elements. In Masvingo, Walter Mzembi, in Matebeleland, Obert Mpofu and not so Bright Matonga in Mash West are the most prominent planks of Gukurahundi 2 in their respective home areas.
During Gukurahundi 1, Mugabe embarked on a propaganda campaign of gigantic proportions and succeeded in misleading the whole world into believing that the non-existent dissidents were causing violence in Matebeleland.He even had the temerity to stage manage the murder of 6 western tourists and blamed it on the dissidents so as to win the west to his side. In the on-going Gukurahundi 2, the same game has been employed. For example ZANU PF militia attacked Chihuri's farm and the regime is already gallivanting that it's the MDC.They even have the shameless audacity to deploy Grace Mugabe and Jocelyn Chiwenga on a laughable" humanitarian" venture of donating some few second hand clothes and sub standard food to victims of their terror. This is all part of a clearly thought out campaign of trying to shift blame to the MDC so as to justify the Gukurahundi 2.
During Gukurahundi 1, the whole world was hoodwinked by Mugabe's shenanigans and did not do anything when more than 40 000 innocent civilians were butchered. The British government went to the extent of knighting Mugabe whilst his hands were dripping with innocent civilians blood whose only crime was being Ndebele and supporting ZAPU of the late Nkomo.In the on-going Gukurahundi 2, Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and some elements within the old SADC are again being manipulated such that Mbeki can even claim that there is no crisis in Zimbabwe and block the discussion of the unfolding genocide at the United Nations Security Council.
All in all, as the Gukurahundi 2 gain momentum, chilling points emerge. The same players who were at the forefront of the murder of unarmed innocent 40 000 civilians are at it again using the same ghastly methods for the same dubious end of keeping Mugabe in power at all costs. Will the world stand by and watch as they did during Gukurahundi 1?
Garikai Chimuka is based at Wageningen University in the Netherlands

(He can be contacted at

Excesses Of Indigenisation A Threat To The African Brand

It is now crystal clear that the indigenisation and
Empowerment bill has now fully been assented to by the head
of state meaning that it now constitutes a law of the land.
The construct of the indigenisation law is a paradox to the
broader aspirations of the independence and it is now
certain that the excesses of Zimbabwe's economic rights
movement have conceived anarchism in place of a safe,
secure, free and liberated Zimbabwe.

It is imperative that I mention that company owners are
being victimised and are no longer psychologically secure
after government has vilified and labelled them saboteurs.
It is within this context that the price slash was conceived
to inflict injury on them and much still this law is
designed to totally alienate these people who worked hard,
some for centuries to create huge and valuable assets which
are about to be unconditionally taken up by a cabal of
people. After the masses have endured a harsh legacy of farm
seizures, the enactment of the indigenisation law should
form part of the broader debate about our economic destiny
as a nation.

Despite all these excesses independence was ironically about
advancing the cause of competition and an unhindered
progress without consideration for class, creed, race and
sex. The African brand of Independence was about creating a
fair, humanistic and egalitarian society-thus the law is
historically and racially misplaced to advance the cause of
independence in Zimbabwe. The law is an equivalent of a
legalised expropriation of assets owned by private interests
since it compels that all businesses and companies cede 51%
shareholding to indigenous black interests.

Cede 51% to whom? When we are fully aware that the economic
crisis has demobilised the capacity for the poor to mobilise
resources for participation in equity ownership. This raises
ethical considerations as to who will be the exact
beneficiaries of this legislation? The histrionic cabals of
the Zimbabwean leadership are at it again to amass company
equity adding on top to the seized land. It boggles my mind
why some individuals are comfortable to sit on assets that
are all derived from seizures and can all be properly termed

Zimbabwe is one of the rare countries where a cabal of
individuals discovers wealth over night without much hard
work and serious planning as happened in the case of the
seizure of farms and the associated farms assets. Are our
poor mothers in the rural areas going to sell off their
chickens and goats so as to pool resources in order to
acquire equity or is it the same histrionic cabal forces
that benefited from the farm seizures that are going to
benefit again? This seems likely considering the economic
dearth of the middle class and the alienation of the
Diaspora who in normal democratic value driven societies are
supposed to be the integral beneficiaries of any true
indigenisation and empowerment programme.

Most successful companies have a strategic fit; which is the
alignment of the mission, vision, goals, strategy,
programmes, policies and objectives in a business. It is
usually the duty of the founders of the company to project
their vision so that it consequently underpins the strategic
fit of the company. Companies are also formed to celebrate
power and self-esteem, which is projected through a personal
model of a strategic fit. How will foreign entrepreneurs in
Zimbabwe enjoy and celebrate the power and self-esteem
component in entrepreneurship when they have mandatory 49%
maximum equity?

It can be postulated that the unconditional takeover of the
51% equity will result in the company derailing from the
founding strategic fit because they will possibly be;
dilution and diversion of the strategic fit giving birth to
confusion because founders will now be controlled by
'Jonis come late' and people with other interests which
are not in alignment with those of founders especially
considering that it will be the same unfitting histrionic
cabals who are strategically positioned to take up most
stakes in private companies.

The law is silent about what will happen to listed entities?
Company's list in order to raise capital and enlist a
diversified ownership; which obviously takes into context
the indigenous black people. How will trade on the local
bourse be regulated and will it have a racial trading
aspect? Trading on the stock exchange is usually on a first
come first to buy or sell basis yet the indigenisation law
is silent about how this racial component will be instituted
in order to achieve the 51% indigenisation target at any

Mutumwa Mawere a seasoned and an accomplished Zimbabwean
born entrepreneur in his article Does indigenisation
threaten the law of succession argues that;
"In the case of Zimbabwe, where race has now been elevated
to the most significant national question, it is not
evident what will happen to black Zimbabweans married to
whites who may qualify as beneficiaries of indigenisation.
Would their successors who may well be white be eligible to
keep the rights and transfer them in line with succession
laws with no risk of the state seeking to negotiate such
rights on account of race?"

This highlights the deficiencies in the long-term
sustainability of the indigenisation law as a viable and
non-conflicting state intervention. Mawere further goes
in-depth to suggest that "The decisions that are made by
our generation have an enduring impact on the future of our
continent and yet little or no thought is applied to the
unintended consequences of policy instruments that may have
conflicting and multiple objectives"

If Zimbabwe continues to further this path concern is that
the so called indigenous black people will in fact inherit
factory and industrial shells after the founders of the
company will have moved their movable factors of
production-capital flight. The capacity of the companies to
mobilise local and offshore funding will be severely
constrained given the sudden changes in ownership and worse
still banks have already indicated reluctance to fund the
indigenisation programme; this will drive an already injured
economy to an economic hell.

The seizure of white owned farms provides testimony to the
fact that coercive redistribution of wealth is not a
solution for enriching historically disadvantaged indigenous
people. It is clear that entrepreneurship has a
psycho-social element and as such discovering or
re-allocating assets does not guarantee that the assets will
be put to good use or that beneficiaries will improve their
welfare, and consequently like in the case of the disastrous
land reform programme we will only succeeded in destroying
employment, livelihoods and run down an already injured
jewel of Africa. What people need is a stable economic
environment that allows them to work hard for their wealth
not to ululate after being handed over assets.

The presents of an election should inspire the masses who
have endured this current brand of localisation of ownership
of means of production to vote for an aspirant who values
hard work and competition-a contest for the rule of law and
a nationally inclusive independence. Voters should weigh the
obvious merits of hard work versus benefiting from coercive
redistribution of wealth.

I believe most people would agree that indigenisation forms
part of the necessary state interventions designed to
liberalise and democratise the economic world but most would
contend that an indigenisation of a magnitude as high as 51%
will produce unintended consequences and is self-defeating.
My thesis is that an indigenisation of such levels
undermines the African brand; it posits Africans as
practicing reverse racism, seizing and expropriating assets
since the indigenisation law has a racial tone. Investors
will be left to wonder if their assets are really secure in
Africa given that evidence has shown that most occurrences
in postcolonial African states do occur or reappear in other
postcolonial states.

And indeed if the government is serious at all about its
citizen participating in the economy it must privatise some
of the loss making parastatals with indigenous people in
mind but instead this new law seeks to allocate some of the
equity to government possibly to create a very rich and
moral blameworthy government. This is despite the massive
failure of government as an entrepreneur and manager.

After the failure of development aid as a remedy to poverty,
sovereign wealth funds (SWF) and foreign direct investments
(FDI) have emerged as better vehicles for poverty
eradication. Zimbabwe should instead be harnessing and
encouraging foreign investors who are critical in providing
the much needed foreign currency to import critical raw
materials, fuel and electricity for production purposes. In
short to turn-around Zimbabwe's economy we need to go back
to the basics-and indeed it needs not an internationally
acclaimed consultant but simple men in the street.

Hillary Kundishora is a scholar of strategic management. He
can be contacted on and join more
discourse on vision prosperity at